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CHRONOLOGICAL GLANCE 

AT PROMINENT FACTS OF INTEREST, 



IN CONNECTION WITH THK 



PiWim Fathers, and their History. 



1380. Wycliffe completed his translation of the Bible, multiplied copies by 
the aid of transcribers ; and, by God's blessing on His Word, thus unbound from 
the fetters of alien tongues, a spirit of inquiry was generated, and the seeds sown 
of that religious revolution, which a little more than a century later, astonished 
and overturned the world. 

1418. Council of Constance ordered Wycliffe's bones to be ungraved and 
burned for those of a heretic. 

1534. Henry the Eighth of England, for the reason that the Pope would 
not divorce him from Katharine, his wife, divorced the Church of England from 
its allegiance to Rome. 

1550. Puritanism dates from John Hooper's " scrupling the vestments," and 
refusing to take the oath of supremacy, until King Edward had run his pen 
through a part of it. 

1554. The Frankfort congregation of exiles arose, under the persecuting 
reign of "Bloody Mary," and the Puritan separation began with Englishmen 
outside of England. 

1566. Date of separation in England, by Puritans who were shut out of the 
Church, and restrained of the press, and who thought, as separate congregations 
had for some time been existing at Frankfort, Geneva, and even in London, it 
might be right, and their duty, to come out and be separate from the corruptions 
and superstitions swaying the English Church, and its service. 

1570. Thomas Cartwright pushed the fundamental proposition to reduce 
all things in reforming the Church to the apostolical way, as contained in the 
New Testament. For this he was expelled from Oxford, and took refuge abroad. 
Coming back seven years after, he maintained that government by the eldership 
is of divine appointment aud obligation — anticipating, mainly, the views and 
practices of the Presbyterian party of the time of the Commonwealth. 

1582. Robert Browne threw a new element into the conflict of opinion 
which was agitating the English people (under Elizabeth), by evolving from the 
New Testament, essentially, the Democratic system of Church polity. 

1591. A church of English exiles, actuated by the principles of Browne, but 
misliking his name, was formed at Amsterdam, of which Henry Ainsworth became 
pastor. 



1693. Henry Barrow, John Greenwood and John Penry put to death for 
their Congregational principles. 

1606. The Mayflower Church was formed by mutual covenant, at Scrooby in 
Nottinghamshire. 

1607. Harried out of England, this Church begins to fly to Holland, and 
in the next spring, all get over to Amsterdam, where they continue about a year. 

1608. The Mayflower Church removed to Leyden, where Robinson was 
sole pastor, and William Brewster was chosen elder. 

161 1. T^j^r— John Robinson and others of his church bought a house in the 
Kloksteeg in Leyden, near the University, which " being large," was both occu- 
pied by him, and used by them as their place of Sabbath worship. 

1615. 5 se"f ' Robinson became matriculated in the University. Age, thirty- 
nine. 

1620. jT July. The last revised conditions of the agreement of the English 
merchants with the intending colonists were settled, and the emigration to 
America finally and absolutely determined on. 

1620. More particular schedule of the events of their emigration hither, and 
of the first six months of their settlement — in illustration of their sufferings in 
laying the foundations of civil and religious liberty here. 



Day. 


Old 


style. 


New Style. 


Tues. 


II _ 


7uly. 


21 yuiy. 


Sat. 


5 ^^^g- 


15 Aug. 


Sab. 


13 


K 


23 " 


Wed. 


23 


" 


2 SeJ>t. 


Wed. 


6 Sept. 


16 " 


Mon. 


6Nm. 


16 A^w. 


Thitrs. 


9 


" 


19 " 


Sat. 


II 


(( 


21 " 


M07l. 


13 


« 


23 " 


Wed. 


15 


" 


25 " 


T/iiirs. 


16 


(( 


26 " 


Fri. 


17 


(( 


27 " 


Mon. 


27 


" 


7 T>ec. 


Tttcs. 


28 


« 


8 " 


Wed. 


29 


<l 


9 " 


Thitrs. 


30 


<( 


10 " 


Mon. 


4 


Dec. 


14 " 


Tues. 


5 


" 


15 " 


Wed. 


6 


« 


16 " 



Left Leyden. 

Sailed from Southampton, (two ships.) 

Put back to Dartmouth. 

Sailed again. 

Put back the second time to Plymouth, and Speedwell 

dismissed. 
Sailed from Plymouth, (102 in the Mayflower.) 
William Butten dies at sea. 
Saw Cape Cod. 

Anchored in Provincetown harbor, signed the com- 
pact, chose Carver Governor, and went ashore. 
Unshipped the shallop, and went ashore to wash. 
Started on first expedition inland. 
Found springs in Truro, went as far as Pamet River, 

found a kettle, dug up corn, etc. 
Sunk the kettle in the pond, and went back to ship. 
Second and larger exploring party started in shallop 

and get to East Harbor Creek. 
Went on to Pamet River, and inland from it. 
Revisited Cornhill, and Master Jones and a part went 

back to the ship. 
Found wigwams, graves, etc., and got back to ship 

and found Peregrine White had been born in their 

absence. 
Dies, Edward Thompson. 

Francis Billington nearly blows up the Mayflower. 
Third exploring party started in the shallop, and get 

as far as Eastham. Jasper Moore dies on the ship. 



Day. Old Style. New Style. 1620. 

T/mrs. 7 Dec. 17 Dec. Explored up Welfleet Bay, and inland, and slept at 
Great Meadow Creek ; Bradford's wife falls over- 
board from the ship, and is drowned. 
Fri. 8 " 18 " Had first encounter with Indians, then coasted round 

the bay, following the shore westward and north- 
ward, went by Barnstable in a snow storm so thick 
they did not see its harbor, broke their rudder, split 
their mast into three pieces, and in a heavy north- 
easter ran in under the lee of Clark's Island in 
Plymouth harbor after pitch dark. James Chilton 
dies on the ship. 

Rested, refitted their mast and rudder, etc. 

Kept the Sabbath on Clark's Island. 

Forefathers' Day. Landed on the Rock, and ex- 
plored. 

Started back for Provincetown, and the Mayflower. 

Weighed anchor for Plymouth, but a foul wind drove 
them back. 

Dropped anchor inside Plymouth beach. 

Party from the ship landed and explored. 

Second exploration of the shore. 

Third expedition, resulting in decision to settle near 
what are now Burial Hill and Town Brook. 
Thurs. 21 " 31 " Stormed, and nothing could be done, but Richard 
Britteredge dies on the ship. 



Sat. 


9 


« 


19 


Sab. 


10 


« 


20 


Mon. 


II 


« 


21 


Tties. 


12 


" 


22 


Fri. 


15 


« 


25 


Sat. 


16 


« 


26 


MOH. 


18 


« 


28 


Tues. 


19 


« 


29 


Wed. 


20 


" 


30 



162 



Fri. 


22 


<( 


I 


Sat. 


23 


« 


2 


Sab. 


24 


« 


3 


Mon. 


25 


« 


4 


Tues. 


26 


« 


5 


Wed. 


27 


" 


6 


Thitrs. 


28 


" 


7 


Fri. 


29 


(1 


8 


Sat. 


30 


" 


9 


Mon. 


I 


Jan. 


10 


Wed 


3 


n 


13 


Thurs. 


4 


« 


14 



I >«. 



Storm continues. Goodwife Allerton gives birth to a 

still-born son. 
As many as can, begin to cut and carry timber on 

shore for the common house. 
Those on shore hear a cry of savages — as they 

think, but see none. Solomon Prower dies. 
Busy on the common house. Indian alarm again, but 

saw none. The beer being low, they begin to drink 

water on board the ship. 
Foul weather, no going ashore. 
To work again. 
Divided whole company into nineteen families, and 

measured out lots for them. 
Tried to work, but rainy. 
Same weather and same result. Saw Indian smokes 

in the distance. 
At work again. Digory Priest dies. 
More smokes seen, but still no Indians. 
Standish and a party go out, and find wigwams, but 

no Indians. Shot an eagle, and the poor hungry 

men likened its flesh to mutton 1 



Day. Old Style. New Style. 162^. 

Fri. 5 Jan. 15 Jan. A sailor found a herring, so they hoped for fish soon, 

but found they had no hooks small enough for cod- 
hooks. 

Sat. 6 " 16 " C. Martin very sick, and sends ashore for Governor 

Carver to see him " about his accounts." 

^(7^. 7 " 17 " Carver goes on board. 

Mo7i. 8 " 18 " Fine, fair day. Shallop gets some fish. F. Billington 
discovers the pond since called by his name. Mar- 
tin dies. 

Tues. 9 " 19 " Divided their lots of land by lot, laying out a street 
with cabins on each side. 

T/uirs. II " 21 " William Bradford taken sick while at work. 

/>'/. 12 " 22 " Rained again. John Goodman and Peter Brown lost 
themselves in the woods, chasing a deer. 

Sat. 13 " 23 " An armed party went out seven or eight miles in 
search vainly, but at night, the lost men returned, 
faint and frozen, so that Goodman's shoes had to 
be cut from his feet, and it was a long time before 
he was able to walk. 

Sab. 14 " 24 " More being now on shore than in the ship, they 
intended to have worship in the common house, 
but its thatch took fire and burned off, which pre- 
vented. 
Stormed again, so that there was no communication 

between the ship and the shore. 
Three fair, sunshiny days, like April, followed, and 

cheered on their work. 
Began to build a shed to store their provisions. 

Stormed again. Saw two wolves. 
Made their shed. 

ICeft their fi^'st Sabbath luors/iif ashore. 
Fair. Stored their meal, etc., in the shed. 
Cold with sleet, but cleared, and the long-boat and 
shallop carried goods ashore. Miles Standish's 
wife Rose, dies. 
Frosty, with sleet. Could not work. 
More so. Those on the ship saw two Indians running 
away. 

Sab. 4 Feb. 14 " Wet, and so windy as almost to blow the Mayflower 

(now light), from her anchorage, and the windy flood 
almost washed the " daubing " out of the chinks of 
their cabins. 

Fri. 9 " 19 " Too cold to work. The cabin of the sick ones caught 

fire, but was put out without much damage to them. 
Killed five geese, and found a dead deer. 

Fri. 16 " 26 " Cold. One fowling saw twelve Indians, and heard 
more. The said Indians made a great fire at night 
in the woods, and stole some tools that had been left 
out. 



Mon. 


15 " 


25 " 


Tues. 


16 " 


26 " 


Fri. 


19 " 


29 " 


Sat. 


20 " 


30 " 


Sab. 


21 " 


31 " 


Mon. 


22 " 


I Feb. 


Mon. 


29 " 


8 " 


Tues. 


30 " 


9 " 


Wed. 


31 " 


10 " 



SaA 


25 " 


7 


Sat. 


3 Mar. 


13 


Wed. 


7 " 


17 


Fri. 


16 " 


26 



Day. Old Style. New Style. 162^. 

Sat. 17 Feb. 27 /i'(5. Began to organize in a military way. Chose Miles 
Standish Captain. Two savages made signs on a 
near hill, but ran away. 

Wed. 21 " 3 Mar. Got the great guns out of the ship, and mounted 

them on what is now Burial Hill. William White, 
William Mullins, and two others die. 
Isaac Allerfon's wife Mary dies. 
The birds sang, and there was a thunder-storm. 
Began to sow garden seeds. 

A second meeting to arrange military affairs was 
broken up by Samosefs coolly walking in upon 
them " straight to the Randevous," and in tolerable 
English, making the brief speech of " Welcome 
Englishmen." He told them that all the Indians 
about Plymouth had died four years before by an 
extraordinary plague. They fed him, and lodged 
(and watched) him over night. 

Sat. 17 " 27 " Dismissed him with presents. 

Sab. 18 " 28 " Samoset Q2x^& back, with five others, " to trade," and 
bringing the stolen tools. Tried to send them 
away, because it was Sunday, but Samoset pre- 
tended to be sick, and wouldn't go. 
Fair. Sowed seeds. 
Ditto. 

Sent Samoset off. Another military meeting again 
interrupted by the sight of Indians on the hill. 
The carpenter, long sick, got well enough to repair 
the shallop, so they could " fetch all firom aboard " 
— so they cleaned out the ship, and their colonizing 
became complete. 

Thurs. 22 " I Apr. Another fine day, and another attempt at public bus- 

iness interrupted by the return of Samoset, bringing 
Squanto, (the only survivor of the Indians native to 
the spot,) and announcing Massasoit, who, with his 
brother, Quadequitta, and suit, made a formal call, 
and concluded a treaty — which was kept by both 
parties, until Philip broke it in 1675, 

Fri. 23 " 2 " Visits exchanged between the colonists and Massa- 

soifs party. Squatito went to fish for eels, which he 
trod out of the mud with his feet, and caught with 
his hands, and which the colonists thought " very 
fat and sweet." Concluded their military and other 
public business, and re-elected John Carver for 
Governor, for the new year, beginning on Sabbath 
the 25th. 

Sat. 24 " 3 " Edward Winslow's wife, Elizabeth, dies. A great 

mortality prevailed during this month, above the 
names here given. Nearly half the sailors of the 
Mayflower died also. 



Mon. 


19 « 


29 


Tues. 


20 " 


30 


Wed. 


21 " 


31 



Day. 



Old Style. New Style. 



1621. 



Tiies. 5 Apr. 15 Apr. The Mayflower starts for England on her return 
voyage, but none of the diminished company 
wanted to go back in her. 

— " — " Governor Carver died suddenly, " and his wife being 

a weak woman, dyed within 5 or 6 weeks after 
him." William Bradford was chosen Governor in 
his place, " and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, 
in which he had been near ye point of death, Isaak 
Allerton was chosen to be an Assistante unto him." 

Sat. 12 May. 22 May. Edward Winslow was married to Mrs. Susanna, 
widow of William White, who had died, 5-*— 

' ' 3 Mar. 

The first marriage in bhe Colony. 
Mon. 18 Jun. 28 Jun. Two servants fight a duel, each wounding the 
other. The company sit on their case, and ad- 
judge them to have their head and feet tied 
together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours without 
meat or drink ; but " within an Hour, because of 
their great Pains, at their own & their Master's [Ste- 
phen Hopkins] humble Request, upon Promise of 
better Carriage, they are released by the Governor.'''' 

" The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease 
amongst them, and ye sick and lame recovered apace, which put, as it were, new 
life into them ; though they had borne their sadd aflSiiction with as much patience 
& contentedness, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was ye Lord which 
upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them ; many having long borne ye 
yoake, yea, from their youth." — Gov. Bradford's Hist. Plim. Plant. 98. 




VARIOUS EXTRACTS, ETC., 

ILLUSTRATING THE 

RISE, CONDUCT, HISTORY, OPINIONS, TRIALS AND 
INFLUENCE, OF THE PLYMOUTH MOVE- 
MENT, AND MEN. 

From the rise of the Papacy to the Reformation, the theory of the Church 
was that of an all-embracing centralized organism ; governed by the Papal Hier- 
archy, and whose private members had simply the right, duty, and responsibility, 
of submission and unquestioning obedience. 

Wycliffe. 

" Upwards of a century and a half before the time of Luther, Wycliffe had 
exposed the superstition and despotism of Rome. Born in the early part of the 
fourteenth century, [near Richmond, Yorkshire, 1324, died at Lutterworth, 31 
Dec. 1384,] he anticipated the discoveries of his more fortunate successors, and 
labored with an assiduity and rectitude of purpose, which entitle him to the 
admiration and gratitude of posterity. Though his labors did not effect an alter- 
ation in the ecclesiastical polity of his country, they made an extensive and 
permanent impression. A numerous class of followers were raised up, by the 
Providence of God : these preserved the precious seed of the kingdom until 
more propitious days ; and, though assailed by the fiercest persecutions, were 
enabled to hand down the sacred deposit to the times of the Lutheran reforma- 
tion." — Price's History of Prot. Non-Conform. i : 4. 

About 1380, Wycliffe completed a translation of the Bible into English — the 
first ever made public. " It was not made for his own use, but for the enlighten- 
ment of his country. His object was to throw the broad blaze of revelation upon 
the corruptions of the Church, to expose before his fellow-men the errors and 
superstitions into which they had fallen, and to disclose to their view the narrow 
path which they had missed. The numerous copies of Wycliffe's translation pre- 
served for four centuries and a half, attest the early publicity of his version, and the 
diligent means employed for the multiplication of transcripts. It may safely be 
affirmed that not one of the partial versions previously made, had ever been as 
widely diffused as this ; and it was the formation of the bold idea of its general 
circulation, and the execution of the daring and unexampled project, that con- 
stitute the peculiar and glorious characteristic of the reformer's enterprise." — 
Bagster's English Hexapla. 13. 

" The disciples of Wycliffe were termed Lollards, and were found in most 
parts of the kingdom. Knighton, a canon of Leicester, and a cotemporary of 
Wycliffe, tells us that in the year 1382, 'their number very much increased, and 
that, starting like saplings from the root of a tree, they were multiplied, and filled 
every place within the compass of the land.' This language must undoubtedly 



10 



be understood with some limitation ; but we cannot mistake the inference to be 
drawn from it." — Vaughan's Life of Wydiffe. 154. 

" One thing I boldly assert, that in the Primitive Church, or the time of Paul, 
two orders of the clergy were held sufficient — those of priests and deacons. 
No less certain am I, that in the time of Paul, presbyters and bishops were the 
same, as is shown in i Tim. iii, and Titus i." — Wycliffe, Trialogiie, xiii. 

" Wycliffe was the first of Puritans, as well as of Protestants." — Bogiie and 
Bennett, i : 27. 

" Nothing came to the birth in the i6th century, that had not lain in embryo 
in Wycliffe's time, under the common heart of England." — Palfrey's Hist. New 
England, i : 108. 

" Hitherto, the corpse of John Wycliffe had quietly slept in his grave, about 
one and forty years after his death, till his body was reduced to bones, and his bones 
almost to dust ; for though the earth in the chancel of Lutterworth in Leicester- 
shire, where he was interred, hath not so quick a digestion with the earth of 
Aceldama, to consume flesh in twenty-four hours, yet such the appetite thereof, 
and all other English graves, as to leave small reversions of a body after so many 
years. But now, such the spleen of the Council of Constance, as they not only 
cursed his memory, as dying an obstinate heretic, but ordered that his bones 
(with this charitable caution, if it may be discerned from the bodies of other 
faithful people) to be taken out of the ground and thrown far off from any Chris- 
tian burial. In obedience hereunto, Richard Flemyng, bishop of Lincoln, diocesan 
of Lutterworth, sent his officers, (vultures with a quick sight-scent at a dead 
carcass) to ungrave him accordingly. To Lutterworth they came, (sumner, com- 
missary, official, chancellor, proctors, doctors and the servants, so that the 
remnant of the body would not hold out a bone amongst so many hands) take 
what was left out of the grave, and burnt them to ashes, and cast them into 
Swift, a neighboring brook running hard by. Thus this brook hath conveyed his 
ashes into Avon, Avon into Severn, Severn into the narrow seas, they into the 
main ocean ; and thus the ashes of Wycliffe are the emblem of his doctrine, 
which now is dispersed all the world over." — Fuller's Church Hist. Brit, ii : 423. 
See also Fox's Martyrology, i : 606. 

"Thus speaks (that voice which walks upon the wind, 
Though seldom heard by busy human kind), 
'As thou these ashes, little brook, wilt bear 
•Into the Avon, Avon to the tide 
' Of Severn, Severn to the narrow seas, 
' Into main ocean they, this deed accurst 
'An emblem yields to friends and enemies, 
' How the bold teacher's doctrine, sanctified 
' By truth, shall spread throughout the world dispersed I ' " — Wordsworth. 



Henry the VIII and the Reformation. 

For the reason that the Pope would not divorce him from Katharine, his wife, 
when he was tired of her and wanted to marry Ann Boleyn, Henry divorced the 
Church of England from that of Rome, really founding a new Church in 
England. 



11 



"The existence of the Church of England as a distinct body, and her final 
separation from Rome, may be dated from the period of the divorce." — Short's 
Hist. Ch. Eiig., 102. 

" Upwards of five years were employed by Henry in negotiating with the 
Papal Court. Wearied at length with its procrastination, he ordered Cranmer 
to pronounce the sentence of divorce. The Archbishop accordingly declared the 
marriage of the king with the lady Katherine, null and void ; and on his return 
to Lambeth, he confirmed the marriage of Henry with Ann Boleyn, which had 
been privately solemnized by Dr. Lee, some months before. This step precipi- 
tated the king into a course of measures hostile to the papacy." — Price's Hist. 
Prot. A'on-Cofif., i : 22. 

" Henry perhaps approached as nearly to the ideal standard of perfect wick- 
edness, as the infirmities of human nature will allow." — Sir. James Mackintosh's 
Hist. ofEtig., ii : 205. 

" The doctrine of the regal supremacy in ecclesiastical matters, had been 
familiar to Englishmen for many generations. It had been successfully main- 
tained up to a certain point, by the greatest of the Plantaganet kings, and had 
been ably vindicated by Wycliife, -one of whose cardinal heresies consisted in the 
denial of the supremacy of the Pope. All that Henry did was to apply and 
e.xtend a doctrine that had long been filtering through the minds, both of the 
aristocracy and the commonalty. Hence the othenvise inexplicable circum- 
stance, that his assumption of unlimited supremacy excited only what may be 

described as a professional opposition In that age indeed, there 

seemed to be no alternative between the supremacy of the Pope and the suprem- 
acy of the king. The minds of the best of men, as is the case with some even 
in these days, were so warped by the influence of ancient ecclesiastical prece- 
dents, that none dreamed of an ultimate appeal to Holy Scripture. St. Paul, if 
he were consulted, was to be interpreted by Augustine, St. John by Jerome, and 
St. Peter by the Popes ; and to the interpreters, as a matter of course, was 
given the principal authority. A Church of Christ, independent, as such, of 
human control, and existing apart from State-craft, was an idea almost impossible 
to that age. If entertained at all, it could only have been by men as humble in 
life as in spirit, such as afterwards rose to assert the spiritual character of the 
kingdom of Christ upon earth." — Skeats's Hist. Free C/i's of Eng., 3. 

" The king himself undertook to settle what the people should believe, and 

with this view, drew up a set of articles of religion The new articles 

might have secured a much wider acceptance than it befell them to receive, but 
for a step altogether fatal to many of their doctrines, and almost equally fatal to 
the doctrine of the royal supremacy. The king not only authorized a translation 
of the Bible into English, but ordered a copy of it to be set up in each of the 
churches. This act, however, was soon felt to be, what it undoubtedly was, a 
political blunder, and, after seven years, was substantially recalled. Before 
furnishing his subjects with such a weapon of almighty power against the system 
which he had determined to establish, the king issued the " Injunctions." He, 
who was the slave of his own lusts, enjoined the clergy to exhort the people to 
'keep God's commandments,' and to give themselves to 'the study of the 
Scriptures, and a good life.' In the ' Institution of a Christian Man,' the bishops 
laid down, at greater length, the creed of the Reformed Church, which was 
further vindicated in the ' Necessary Doctrine.' Having thus explained and appar- 



12 



ently demonstrated the absolute truth of the new theological system, it only 
remained to enforce it. Some denied the corporal presence, and were accordingly 
sent to Smithfield. In order to strengthen his power, the king allowed his Parlia- 
ment to assume the functions of a Convocation, and debate for eleven days the 
doctrines of the Christian religion. This debate issued in the adoption of the law 
of the ' Six Articles,' which set forth, in the strongest language, the presence of the 
natural body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, sanc- 
tioned Communion in one kind only, denied the right of marriage to the priest- 
hood, enforced vows of chastit}', allowed private masses, and declared auricular 
confession to be both expedient and necessary. The most fearful penalties were 
attached to any opposition to these doctrines. The least was the loss of goods ; 
the greatest, burning at the stake — which was the punishment for denying the 
first of the Articles. The law was now let loose against both Protestants and 

Catholics, but with peculiar vengeance against the former And so 

the new Church was founded. The work begun by one royal profligate was, a 
hundred and thirty years later, fittingly finished by another. Henry the Vlllth's 
natural successor in ecclesiastical politics is Charles the lid." — Ibid, 5. 



Rise of Puritanism, etc. 

John Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, was the first father of Puritan Non-con- 
formity. " History, while it has done justice to the character and the abilities of 
this eminent man, has not done similar justice to his opinions. He appears on 
its pages as a conscientious opponent of all ecclesiastical ceremonies and habits 
that are not expressly warranted by Scripture, as a sufferer for his opinions on 
this, subject, and as a martyr for the Protestant religion ; but he was more than 
this. All Protestants and Puritans have been accustomed to hold his name in 
reverence, but it belongs in a more especial manner to the English Non-conform- 
ists of the nineteenth century. It was his voice which first publicly proclaimed 
the principles of religious freedom. He stood alone amongst the English Prot- 
estants of his age in denying the right of the State to interfere with religion." — 
Ibid, 8. 

" Touching the superior powers of the earth, it is not unknown to all them 
that hath read and marked the Scripture, that it appertaineth nothing unto their 
office to make any law to govern the conscience of their subjects in religion. 
Christ's kingdom is a spiritual one. In this, neither Pope nor king may govern. 
Christ alone is the governor of His Church, and the only law-giver." — Hooper's 
Declaration of X. Corn's., 280. 

" He told the people, in words proclaimed to thousands at Paul's Cross, and 
throughout various parts of the kingdom, that their consciences were bound only 
by the Word of God, and that they might with it, judge ' Bishop, Doctor, 
preacher and curate.' " — Skeats tit sup, 9. 

"Mr. Foxe [Acta et Mon, 1587,] recordeth how yt besids those worthy mar- 
tires & confessors which were burned in queene Mary's days & otherwise tor- 
mented, Many (both studients and others) fled out of ye land, to ye tmniber of 800. 
And became sroerall congregations. At IVesell, Frankford, Bassill, Eniden, I\Iark- 
purge, Straiisborongh, &= Geneva, &'c. Amongst whom (but especialy those at 
Frankford) begane yt bitter warr of contention & persecut" aboute ye ceremonies 
and servise booke, and other popish and anti-christian stuffe, the plague of 



13 



England to this day, which are like ye high-plases in Israeli, wch the prophets 
cried out against, & were their ruine ; which ye better parte sought, according to 
ye puritie of ye gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other parte 
(under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancements, sought as stifly to 

continue, maintaine «S: defend The one side laboured to have ye 

right worship of God & discipline of Christ established in ye church, according 
to ye simplicity of ye gospell, without the mixture of mens inventions, and to 
have & to be ruled by ye laws of Gods Word, dispensed in those offices, & by 
those officers of Pastors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to ye Scripturs. 
The other partie, though under many colours & pretences, endeavored to have 
ye episcopall dignitie, (affter ye popish maner) with their large power & jurisdic- 
tion still retained ; with all those courts, cannons & ceiemonies, togeather with all 
such livings, revenues & subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly 
upheld their anti-christian greatnes, and enabled them with lordly & tyranous 
power to persecute ye poore servants of God." — Gov. Bradford's Hist. Plim. 
Plant., 3. 

[For a veiy interesting, minute and authentic history of this establishment 
(per force,) of separate churches on Continental soil, and the difficulties which 
beset them, some light from which directed later Separatists to a wiser path, see 
A Briefe Discourse of the Trovbles Begun at Frankeford in Germany, An. Dom. 
1554, About The Booke of Common Prayee and Ceremonies, and continued by the 
English men there, to the end of Q. Maries Raign, etc. etc. 4to, pp. 184, published 
in 1575, and reprinted in London in 1642.] 



The Puritan Struggle. 

" During the forty-four years of the reign of Elizabeth, the whole power of 
the crown was exercised, in regard to ecclesiastical matters, with two distinct 
purposes. The first was to subject the Church to its ' governor,' the second to 
suppress all opinions differing from those which had received a special patent of 
protection. The first wholly succeeded ; the second wholly failed. The Prayer- 
book and Articles of Elizabeth do not materially differ from those of Edward. 
The only difference of any importance relates to the vestments, which were 
ordered to be the same as those in use in the second year of Edward. This 
change was against a further reformation, and it was confirmed by a third Act of 
Uniformity. The Queen soon let it be known that this Act was not to be a dead 
letter. She heard of some who did not wear the habits, and who even preached 
against them, and Parker was at once ordered to enforce the law. Then the 
exiles who had returned from the Continent, flushed with hope, and ardent in 
the cause of the Gospel, found the paw of the lion's cub as heavy as that of the 
royal beast himself. .... So zealously did he [Parker — the Primate,] set 
about his work that he shocked the statesmen of his age, and at last shocked even 
Elizabeth herself. Not being an ecclesiastic, there was a limit to the queen's 
capacity of creating and afterwards enjoying the sight of human suffering. There 
was no such limit in Parker. The jackall's appetite was, for once, stronger even 
than that of the lioness. The attempt to enforce the Act of Uniformity excited 
instant resistance, and the Church was turned into a great shambles." — Skeats ut 
sup. 13. 



14 



"There must be a reason, apart from the character of the governing power, 
why Puritans within the Church have never succeeded. The reason is probably 
to be found in the fact that they never essentially differed from the dominant party. 
Both were almost equally intolerant. Parker and Whitgift persecuted the Puri- 
tans ; but if Cartwright had been in Whitgift's place, he would have dealt out 
equal persecution to Baptists and Independents. They, who had suffered impris- 
onment on account of their opinions, actually remonstrated with statesmen for 
releasing Roman Catholics from confinement. They held a purer doctrine than 
their opponents held, but none the less did they require it to be enforced by the 
' authority of the magistrates.' It seems strange that men who devoted so much 
time to the study of the Scriptures, and whose knowledge of them was as exten- 
sive as it was profound, should have missed the one study, which to a Christian, 
would seem to be the most obvious, the life and character of the Founder of their 
religion and the nature of His mission. But, habits of thought are more tyran- 
nical than habits of action ; and the habit of theological thought was then, as for 
generations afterwards, essentially dogmatical. The best of the Puritans looked 
to the Scriptures for rules rather than for jDrinciples, for propositions rather than 
for examples. Christianity was, with them, merely an historical development of 
Judaism ; and therefore, while they believed in the sacrifice of Christ, they 
equally believed in the laws ot Moses. The Sacred Writings were rough mate- 
rials, out of which they might hew their own systems. The stones were taken in 
equal parts out of the books of the Old Testament and the New, the latter being 
dug for doctrine and the former for precept. Amongst all the works of the early 
Puritans, there is not one on the character or life of Christ, nor one which gives 
any indication that they had even an imagination of the wholly spiritual nature of 
His kingdom. Whatever that kingdom might be in the place Heaven, on the 
place Earth it was to be fenced and extended by pains and penalties, threaten- 
ings and slaughter. They denied the supremacy of the civil magistrate in 
religion, but it was only in order to assert their own supremacy. They pleaded 
with tears for liberty of conscience, and would have denied it to the first ' Ana- 
baptist ' whom they met. It was no wonder they did not gain their end, and no 
wonder that they scarcely hoped to gain it. It would seem that the English race 
required to be transplanted before it could bear a more perfect flower and fruit 
than any of which Puritanism only was capable. That service was effected by 
Elizabeth." — Ibid, 20. 



The Evolution of Independency. 

" There were certainly Baptist churches in England as early as the year 1589, 
and there could scarcely have been several organized communities without the 
corresponding opinions having been held by individuals, and some churches 
established for years previous to this date. With respect to the Independents, 
certain ' congregations ' are spoken of by Foxe [Vol. iii : 1 14,] as established in 
London in A. D. 1555, and it is possible that they were Independent, but more 
probable that they were Puritan. It is now clearly established that an Indepen- 
dent church, of which Richard Fitz was pastor, existed in A. D. 156S {Coitgrega- 
tional Martyrs, Art. R. Fitz.] In A. D. 1580, Sir Walter Raleigh spoke of the 
Brovvnists as existing 'by thousands.' .... But although Richard Fitz 
was the first pastor of the first Independent church in England, to Robert 
Browne belongs the honor of founding the denomination. This man's character 



16 



has been assailed with almost equal virulence by Church and Non-conformist 
writers ; but, although he is proved to have been naturally of a passionate, 
dogmatic and weak nature, no charge against his piety has been successfully 
established. [See Fletcher's Hist. Independ., ii : chap. 3.] His moral courage 
and his willingness to bear suffering in testimony of his sincerity, were amply 
shown by his life. If, like Cartwright, he eventually returned to the Church, he 
did what ought not to excite surprise. The wonder is, not that human nature 
was so weak in him, but that it was so strong in others." — Ibid, 22. 

"The principles which Browne advocated were substantially the same as 
those which are now held by the majority of English dissenters. He maintained 
that the Christian Church is a voluntary association of believing men, that it is 
competent to the management of its own affairs, and is capable of existing under 
every form of civil government which human society can assume. He conse- 
quently repudiated its subjection to the State, and denied the possibility of its 
sustaining a national character. It necessarily followed from these principles, 
that he should denounce the hierarchy as an unscriptural institution, adapted 
rather to advance the designs of its political supporters, than to promote the 
religious welfare of mankind. He attacked the whole system of the Established 
Church, denying the validity of its orders, the purity of its rites, the rectitude 
of its worship, and the soundness of its constitution. He declaimed against 
it as a spiritual Babylon, loaded with many of the abominations of the popedom, 
equally haughty in its spirit, though less powerful to accomplish its intolerant 
designs." — Price's Hist. Prot. Noii-conf., i : 315. 

The essential features of Browne's teaching were these : 

1. The New Testament the source of all light on Church Government. 

2. A Church a body self-associated by a " willing covenant." 

3. Church Government the Lordship of Christ, whereby His people "obey 
to His will." 

4. Separation from open and willful offenders, a duty. 

5. Church officers are pastors, teachers, elders, deacons, etc., " tried to be 
meet, and thereto duly chosen by the church which calleth them." 

6. Ordination is a pronouncing with prayer and thanksgiving, and laying 
on of hands " by some of the forwardest and wisest," that those receiving it " are 
called and authorized of God." 

7. Church action is by "general inquiry and consent." — Browne's Z{/^ a«(/ 
Marnier of all True Christians. A. D. 1582. 4to. pp. 112. 

What this Brownism really was, as refined from the crudities and sharpnesses 
of Browne himself, may be excellently seen in the Confession of Faith of Certaine 
English People, living in the Low Coiintreyes, exiled, which was put forth in 1 596, 
by the Church in Amsterdam, of which Henry Ainsworth was Teacher. Two 
or three of its articles follow : 

" This Ministerie is alike given to every Christian congregation, with like and 
equall power and commission to have and enjoy the same, as God offereth fit men 
and meanes, the same rules given to all for the election and execution thereof in 
all places." — Art. xxii. 

" As every Christian congregation hath power and commandment to elect and 
ordeine their own Ministerie acording to the rules in God's word prescribed, and 
whilest they shall faithfully execute their office, to have them in superabundant 
love for their worke sake, to provide for them, to honour them and reverence 



16 

them according to the dignitie of the office they execute : so have they also 
power and commandment, when anie such default, eyther in their lyfe, doctrine 
or administration breaketh out, as by the rule of the word debarreth them from, 
or depriveth them of their Ministerie, by due order to depose them from the 
Ministerie they exercised ; yea, if the case so require, and they remayne obsti- 
nate and impenitent, orderly to cut them of by excommunication." — Art. xxiii. 

" Christ hath given this power to receive in, or to cut of, any member, to the 
whole body together of every Christian congregation, and not to any one member 
apart, or to more members sequestred from the whole, or to any other Congre- 
gation to do it for them : yet so, as ech Congregation ought to vse the best help 
they can heerunto, and the most meet member they have to pronounce the same 
in their public assembly." — Art. xxiiii. 

" Such as yet see not the truth, may notwithstanding heare the publik doctrine 
and prayers of the church, and with al meeknes are to bee sought by al meanes : 
yet none who are growne in yeares may bee received into their communion as 
members, but such as do make confession of their faith, publickly desiring to be 
received as members, and promising to walke in the obedience of Christ. 
Neyther any infants, but such as are the seed of the faithful! by one of the 
parents, or under their education and government. And further not any from 
one congregation to be received members in another, without bringing certificate 
of their former estate and present purpose." — Art. xxxvii. 

That these were Congregationalists, if they were Brownists, will appear 
from the following : 

" And although the particular Congregations be thus distinct and severall 
bodies, every one as a compact and knit citie in it self, yet are they all to walke by 
one and the same rule, and by all meanes convenient to have the counsel and 
help one of another in all needful! affaires of the Church, as members of one 
body in the common faith, under Christ their onely head." — Art. xxxviii. 



Rise and Progress of the Mayflower Church. 

"Established here [as postmaster at Scrooby, near Bawtry in England] 
Brewster, now in the vigor of young manhood, soon took a deep interest in those 
religious questions which were then agitating the realm. With a mind enlarged 
by study and travel, he made the acquaintance of Smith, Clyfton, Robinson, and 
other godly ministers in that [Nottinghamshire] and the neighboring counties, 
who were conscientiously opposed to the Established Church ; and when the 
policy of deprivation, confiscation, fine and imprisonment was fully entered upon 
by government to enforce conformity, he cast in his lot with them, and welcomed 
them to his house [a spacious manor-house of the Archbishop of York, leased 
to Brewster by Samuel Sandys, eldest son of the then Archbishop] as well as his 
heart, and in its ample spaces offered them that Sabbath liberty of prophesying 
which the churches no longer afforded. Gathering together the elect and precious 
few from the country round about who thought as they thought, and believed what 
they believed, and were willing to dare what they dared to do ; he, with Clyfton 
and Robinson and those others, some time during 1606, formally — to use Brad- 
ford's own words — ' joyned themselves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church 
estate, in ye fellowship of ye gospell, to walke in all His wayes, made known, or 



17 

to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it 
should cost them, the Lord assisting them.'" — Sabbath at Home, March, 1867. 

" But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable condi- 
tion, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions 
were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. 
For some were taken & clapt up in prison, others had their houses besett & 
watcht night and day, & hardly escaped their hands ; and ye most were faine to 
flie & leave thgir howses & habitations, and the means of their livelehood. Yet 
these & many other sharper things which affterward befell them, were no other 
then they looked for, and therfore were ye better prepared to bear them by ye 
assistance of Gods grace & spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, and 
that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente they 
resolved to goe into ye Low-Countries, wher they heard was freedome of 
Religion for all men ; as also how sundrie from London, & other parts of ye land, 
had been exiled and persecuted for ye same cause, & were gone thither, and lived 
at Amsterdam, & in other places of ye land. So affter they had continued 
togeither aboute a year, and'kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or 
other, exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstanding all ye 
dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they seeing they could no longer continue 
in yt condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they could." — Gov. 
Bradford's Hist. Plim. Plant., 10. 



Emigration to Holland. 

" Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and countrie, their lands 
& livings, and all their freinds and famillier acquaintance, it was much, and 
thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a countrie they knew not (but by 
hearsay), wher they must learne a new language, and get their livings they knew 
not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to ye misseries of warr, it was by many 
thought an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a misserie worse 
than death. Espetially seeing they were not aquainted with trads nor traffique, 
(by which yt countrie doth subsiste) but had only been used to a plaine countrie 
life, & ye inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things did not dismay them 
(though they did some times trouble them) for their desires were sett on ye ways 
of God, & to injoye his ordinances ; but they rested on his providence & knew 
whom they had beleeved. Yet this was not all, for though they could not stay, 
yet were yey not suffered to goe, but ye ports & havens were shut against them, 
so as they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, & to bribe & fee ye 
mariners, & give exterordinarie rates for their passages. And yet were they often 
times betrayed (many of them) and both they & their goods intercepted & sur- 
prised, and thereby put to great trouble and charge." — Ibid 11. 

" To be shorte, after they had been thus turmoyled a good while, and con- 
veyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be ridd of them in ye end 
upon any termes ; for all were wearied & tired with them. Though in ye mean 
time they (poor soules) indured miserie enough; and thus in ye end necessitie 

forste a way for them I may not omitte ye fruite that came 

hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause 
became famouss & ocoasioned many to looke into ye same ; and their godly car- 



18 



iage & Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of 
many. And though some few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp beginnings, 
(as it was no marvel!,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, & greatly 
animated others. And in ye end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossition, 
they all gatt over at length, som.e at one time & some at an other, and some 
in one place & some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to their 
desires, with no small rejoycing." — IbiJ, 15. 

" These Provinces [the Low Countries] were of opinion not only that all 
religions ought to be tolerated, but that all restraint in matters of religion was as 
detestable as the Inquisition itself; and accordingly they maintained that nobody 
erred willfully, or could believe against his conscience, that none but God could 
inspire right notions into the minds of men ; that no religion was agreeable to 
God, but such as proceeded from a willing heart : experience had also taught 
them that heterodox opinions could not so effectually be rooted out by human 
power or violence, as by length of time." — Brandt's Hist. Ref. in Low Count., 
i : 308. 

" Calvinism being thus the established religion of Holland, it will still be 
seen that entire liberty in belief and practice prevailed there ; the only difference 
being that the followers of any peculiar faith, while they would have the most 
perfect freedom of worship in their own private houses, or buildings provided by 
themselves, would not be provided with church edifices at the public expense." — 
Sabbath at Home, March, 1S67. 

" Twelve or fifteen years before the Scrooby men arrived in Amsterdam, a 
London company had gone over, who had P'rancis Johnson for their pastor and 
Henry Ainsworth for their teacher ; and also, as early as 1596, had published 
their 'Confession of Faith.' Four years before them (in 1604) Smyth of Gains- 
borough, and his company, — with whom it is not improbable that the Scrooby 
men were loosely affiliated before they had strength enough to form themselves into 
a separate church nearer home — had made good their retreat over the North Sea, 
and were also maintaining themselves on the Amstel. It must in sorrow be 
added, that these two congregations, of Johnson and Ainsworth, and of Smyth, 
had not found themselves able to live in that perfect peace which should have 
adorned their profession of the new faith which they had gathered out of the 
Word. No means which Robinson or Brewster could apply sufficed to heal the 
breach. Indeed it soon became evident that — would they, or would they not — 
the mere living in Amsterdam must involve the new comers in the ill-feeling, and 
the cross speech. So they prudently resolved to remove thence, before a bad 
matter was made worse. It is on record in Leydcn that John Robinson \yan 
Robarthsc\ and 'some of the members of the Christian Reformed Religion born 
in the kingdom of Great Britain, to the number of one hundred persons, or 
thereabouts, men and women,' petitioned the magistrates of Leyden for leave to 
come to Leyden ' by the ist May next,' to have freedom of the city ' in carrying 
on their trades without being burdensome to any one.' As this petition — itself 
without date — is indorsed in the margin under date of 12 Feb. 1609, it seems 
probable that it had been presented but a few days before that time. The magis- 
trates say in this indorsement, ' they refuse no honest persons free ingress to 
come and have residence in this city, provided that such persons behave them- 
selves, and submit to the laws and ordinances ; and therefore the coming of the 
memorialists will be agreeable and welcome.' It was beyond a doubt in connection 
with this cordial response to their application, that the Scrooby church, now, in 



19 



itself and all its appurtenance, ' to the number of one hundred, or thereabouts,' 
removed, about i May 1609, to Leyden." — Ibid. 



The Character of these Men in Leyden. 

" I know not but it may be spoken to ye honour of God, & without preju- 
dice to any, that such was ye true pietie, ye humble zeale, & fervent love, of this 
people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God and his waies, and y single 
harted-nes & sinceir affection one towards another, that they came as near ye 
primative patterne of ye first churches, as any other church of these later times 

have done, according to their ranke & qualitie Because some of 

their adversaries did, upon ye rumore of their remoovall, cast out slanders against 
them, as if that State had been wearie of them, & had rather driven them out (as 
ye heathen historians did faine of Moyses & ye Isralits when they went out of 
Egipte) then yt it was their oune free choyse & motion, I will therefore mention a 
particuler or too to shew ye contrary, and ye good acceptation they had in ye 
place wher they lived. And first, though many of them weer poore, yet there was 
none so poore, but if they were known to be of ys congregation, the Dutch 
(either bakers or others) would trust them in any reasonable matter when yey 
wanted money. Because they had found by experience how carfuU they were to 
keep their word, and saw them so painfull and diligente in their callings ; yea, 
they would strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their 
worke, for their honestie & diligence. Againe ; ye magistrats of ye citie, aboute 
ye time of their coming away, or a litle before, .in ye publick place of justice, 
gave this comendable testemonie of them, in ye reproof of the Wallons, who 
were of ye French Church in yt citie. These English, said they, have lived 
amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came 

against any of chem ; but your strifs and quarels are continuall, &c 

Yea when there was speech of their [the Plymouth men's] remoovall into these 
parts [this was written in New England] sundrie of note & eminencie of yt 
nation [the Dutch] would have had them come under them, and for yt end made 
them large offers." — Bradford ut sup., 19. 

" I perswade my selfe, never people upon earth lived more lovingly together, 
and parted more sweetly then wee the church at Leyden did." — Edward Wins- 
low's Hypocrisie Unmasked, 88. 

" And that which was a crown unto them, they lived together in love and 
peace all their days, without any considerable differences, or any disturbance 
that grew thereby, but such as was easily healed in love ; and so they continued 
until with mutuall consent they removed into New England." — Gov. Bradford's 
Dialosnte. 



Why they left Leyden. 

" Our Reverend pastor Mr. John Robinson of late memory, and our grave 
Elder Mr. William Brewster, considering amongst many other inconveniences, 
how hard the Country was where we lived, how many spent their estate in it, and 
were forced to return for England ; how grievous to live from under the protec- 
tion of the State of England ; how like wee were to lose our language, and 



20 

our name of English ; how little good wee did, or were like to do to the Dutch 
in reforming the Sabbath ; how unable there to give such education to our 
children, as wee ourselves had received, &c. They, I say, out of their Christian 
care of the flock of Christ committed to them conceived, if God would bee 
pleased to discover some place unto us (though in America) and give us so much 
favour with the King and State of England, as to have their protection there, 
where wee might enjoy the like liberty, and where the Lord favouring our endeav- 
ours by his blessing, wee might exemplarily shew our tender Country-men by our 
example (no lesse burthened than our selves) where they might live, and comfort- 
ably subsist and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from Anti-christian 
bondage, keep their names and Nation, and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the 
Dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ also, if the Lord have a people 
amongst the natives whither hee should bring us, &c. Hereby in their grave 
Wisdomes they thought wee might more glorifie God, doe more good to our 
Countrey, better provide for our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our 
labours, than ever wee could doe in Holland where we were. 

Now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to 
the Brethren of the Congregation, which after much private discussion came to 
publike agitation, till at the length the Lord was solemnly sought in the Congre- 
gation by fasting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more 
to the worke, wee sent some of good abilities over into England to see what 
favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the King." — Ed. Winslow, ttt 
mp., 88. 

"After they had lived in this citie about some II. or I2. years (which is ye 
more observable being ye whole time of yt famose truce between that state and 
ye Spaniards) and sundrie of them were taken away by death, & many others 
begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris Experience having taught 
them many things, those prudent governours [Robinson and Brewster] with 
sundrie of ye sagest members begane both deeply to apprehend their present 
dangers, & wisely to foresee ye future, & thinke of timely remedy. In ye agita- 
tion of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at length they 
began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of 
any newfangledness, or such like giddie humor, by which men are oftentimes trans- 
ported to their great hurt & danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid reasons ; 
some of ye cheefe of which I will hear breefly touch. And first, they saw & found 
by experience the hardnes of ye place & countrie to be such, as few in comparison 
would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. 
For many yt came to them, and many more yt desired to be with them, could not 
endure yt great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which they under- 
went & were contented with. But though they loved their persons, approved 
their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, 
as Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, 
who desired to be excused & borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. 
For many, though they desired to injoye ye ordinances of God in their puritie, 
and ye libertie of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, 
with danger of conscience, rather then to indure these hardships ; yea, some 
preferred & chose ye prisons in England, rather then this libertie in Holland, 
with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and easier place of 
living could be had, it would draw many & take away these discouragments. 
Yea, their pastor would often say^ that many of those wo both wrate & preached 



21 



now against them, if they were in a place wher they might have libertie and 
live comfortably, they would then practise as they did. 

" 2ly. They saw that though ye people generally bore all these difficulties 
very cherfully, & with a resolute courage, being in ye best & strength of their 
years, yet old age began to steale on many of them, (and their great & continuall 
labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before ye time,) so as it was 
not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more 
they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke under 
their burdens, or both. And therfore according to ye devine proverb, yt a 
wise man seeth ye plague when it cometh, & hideth him selfe, [Prov. xxii : 3], 
so they like skillfull & beaten souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or 
surrounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor flie ; 
and therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advan- 
tage & less danger, if any such could be found. 

" Thirdly ; as necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to 
be such, not only to their servants, but in a sorte, to their dearest chilldren; 
the which as it did not a little wound ye tender harts of many a loving father 
& mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowful effects. For many 
of their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing 
lernde to bear ye yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of their parents 
burden, were, often times, so oppressed with their hevie labours, that though 
their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under ye weight of 
ye same, and became decreped in their early youth ; the vigor of nature being 
consumed in ye very budd, as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and 
of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, by these 
occasions, and ye great licentiousnes of youth in ye countrie, and ye manifold 
temptations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples into extravagante 
& dangerous courses, getting ye raines off their neks, & departing from their 
parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr vioages by sea, 
and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutenes & the danger of their 
soules, to ye great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. So that they 
saw their posteritie would be in danger to degenerate & be corrupted. 

" Lastly, (and which was not least) a great hope & inward zeall they had of 
laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way therunto, for ye prop- 
agating & advancing ye gospell of ye kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of 
ye world ; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for 
ye performing of so great a work. 

" These, & some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this resolution of 
their removall ; the which they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties." — 

Bradford, ut suj)., 22. 



How it Looked to Them. 

" The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast & unpeopled 
countries of America, which are frutfull & fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all 
civill inhabitants, wherther are only salvage & brutish men, which range up and 
downe, litle otherwise than ye wild beasts of the same. This proposition being 
made publike and coming to ye scaning of all, it raised many varieble opinions 
amongst men, and cauzed many fears & doubts amongst them selves. Some, from 
their reasons & hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & incourage the rest to 



22 



undertake & prosecute ye same ; others, againe, out of their fears, objected 
against it, & sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither 
unreasonable nor unprobable ; as that it was a great designe, and subjecte to 
many unconceivable perills & dangers ; as, besids the casulties of ye seas (which 
none can be freed from) the length of ye vioage was such, as ye weake bodys of 
women and other persons worne out with age & traville (as many of them were) 
could never be able to endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of ye land 
which they should be exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne ; and lickly, 
some or all of them togeither, to consume & utterly to ruinate them. For ther 
they should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & ye wante, in a maner, of all 
things. The chang of aire, diate, & drinking of water would infect their bodies 
with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which should escape 
or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in a continuall danger of ye salvage 
people, who are cruell, barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious in their 
rage and merciles wher they overcome ; not being contente only to kill & take 
away life, but delight to tormente men in ye most bloodie maner that may be ; 
fleaing some alive with ye shells of fishes, cutting of ye members & joynts of 
others by peesmeale, and broiling on ye coles, eate ye collops of their flesh in 
their sight whilst they live ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And 
surely it could not be thought but ye very hearing of these things could not but 
move ye very bowels of men to grate within them, and make ye weake to quake 
& tremble. It was furder objected, that it would require greater summes of money 
to furnish such a vioage, and to fitt them with necessaries, than their consumed 
estats would amounte too ; and yett they must as well looke to be seconded with 
supplies, as presently to be transported. Also many presidents [precedents] of 
ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in the like designes, were easie 
to be found, and not forgotten to be aledged ; besids their owne experience, in 
their former troubles & hardships in their remoovall into Holand, and how hard 
a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour 
countrie, & a civill and rich comone wealth. 

It was answered, that all great & honourable actions are accompanied with 
great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable 
courages. It was granted ye dangers were great, but not desperate ; the difficul- 
ties were many, but not invincible. For though their were many of them likly, 
yet they were not cartaine ; it might be sundrie of ye things feared might 
never befale ; others by providente care & ye use of good means, might in a 
great measure be prevented ; and all of them, through ye help of God, by forti- 
tude and patience, might either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such 
attempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground & reason ; 
not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But 
their condition was not ordinarie ; their ends were good & honourable ; their 
calling lawfull & urgente ; and therfore they might expect ye blessing of God 
in their proceeding. Yea, though they should loose their lives in this action, yet 
mighte they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. 
They lived hear [in Leyden] but as men in exile, & in a poore condition ; and as 
great miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for ye 12. years of truce 
were now out, & ther was nothing but beating of drumes, and preparing for 
warr, the events wherof are allway uncertaine. Ye Spaniard might j^rove 
as cruell as the salvages of America, and ye famine and pestelence as sore hear 
as ther, & their libertie less to looke out for remedie. 

After many other perticuler things answered & aledged on both sids, it was 



23 



fully concluded by ye major parte, to put this designe in execution, and to prose- 
cute it by the best means they could." — Ibid, 24. 

" My brethren have not the faith of our glorious Lord Jesus Christ in respect 
of persons. But now, if it so come to passe, (which God forbid) that the most being 
eyther forestalled by prejudice, or by prosperitie made secure, there be few found 
(especially men of learning, who will so far stoop as to look upon so despised creat- 
ures, and their cause) ; this alone remaineth, that we turn our faces & mouths unto 
thee (0 most powerfuU Lord, & gratious father) humbly imploreing help from God 
towards those, who are by men left desolate. There is with thee no respect of 
persons, neither are men lesse regarders of thee, if regarders of thee, for the 
worlds disregarding them. They who truly fear thee, and work righteousnes, 
although constreyned to live by leav in a forrain land, exiled from countrie, 
spoyled of goods, destitute of freinds, few in number, and mean in condition, are 
for all that unto thee (O gratious God) nothing the less acceptable : Thou num- 
brest all their wandrings, and puttest their tears into thy bottels : Are they not 
written in thy book ? Towards thee, O Lord, are our eyes ; confirm our hearts, 
& bend thine ear, and suffer not our feet to slip, or our faces to be ashamed, O 
thou both just and mercifull God." — John Robinson's Just and Necessarie 
A^'ologie, ^2. 



How it was at Last Arranged. 

" They found God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands [Sandys] 
a religious Gentleman then living, to stirre in it, who procured Sir Robert Nawn- 
ton then principall Secretary of State to King James of famous memory, to move 
his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people (who could not so 
comfortably live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of 
Conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would en- 
deavour the advancement of his Majestie's Dominions, and the enlargement of 
the Gospell by all due meanes. This his Majesty said was a good and honest 
motion, and asking what profits might arise in the part [ie. part of the country] 
wee intended (for our eye was on the most northern parts of Virginia) 'twas 
answered. Fishing. To which hee replyed with his ordinary asseveration, So, 
God have my Soule, ''tis an honest Trade, 'twas the Apostles owiie calling, Sze. But 
afterwards he told Sir Robert Nawnton (who took all occasions to further it) that 
we should confer with the Bishops of Canterbury and London, &c. Wherupon 
wee were advised to persist upon his first approbation, and not to entangle our 
selves with them, which caused our agents to repair to the Virginia Company, 
who in their Court demanded our ends of going ; which being related, they said 
the thing was of God, and granted a large Patent, and one of them lent us 300/. 
gratis for three yeares, which was repaid." — Winslow, nt sup., 89. 

Bradford goes more into particulars, showing how one disappointment after 
another delayed, embarrassed and vexed them : especially how uncertain they 
were made by the course the king pursued in promising " that he would connive 
at them, & not molest them, provided they carried them selves peaceably." He 
says : "This made a dampe in ye business, and caused some distraction, for many 
were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, & put of their estates, and 
goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and prove but a sandie found- 
ation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed hear upon without 



24 



makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be thus rejected. But some of 
ye cheefest thought other wise, and yt they might well proceede hereupon, & that 
ye kings majestic was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though 
for other reasons he would not confirme it by any publicke acte. And furder- 
more, if ther was no securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great 
certainty in a furder confirmation of ye same ; for if after wards ther should be a 
purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad as ye house 
flore, it would not serve ye turne ; for ther would be means enew found to recall 
or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, they must rest herein on 
God's providence, as they had done in other things." — Bradford, ut sup., 29. 

" But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a 
patent granted them, and confirmed under ye Companies scale ; but these devis- 
sions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disap- 
pointed them of much of their hoped fqr & proffered means. By the advise of 
some freinds this pattente was not taken in ye name of any of their owne, but in ye 
name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to ye Countess 
of Lincoline) who intended to goe with them. But God so disposed as he 
never went, nor they ever made use of this patente, which had cost them so much 

labour and charge A right eniblime, it maybe, of ye unccrtaine 

things of this world ; yt when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish 
into smoke." — JbiJ, 40. 



The Hard Terms which were the Best They could Get. 

The hardship of the terms to which they were reduced, shows at once the 
slenderness of their means, and the constancy of their purpose. It was agreed to 
create a joint stock company on the following plan and conditions. 

1. Colonists 16 yrs. old and upwards, and persons contributing ;{^io. each, to 
be owners of one share. 

2. Colonists contributing ;i^io. in money or provisions, to be owners of two 
shares. 

3. The partnership to continue 7 years, to the end of which time all profits 
and benefits gotten by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, 
to remain as common stock. 

4. The settlers, having landed, to be divided into parties to be employed in 
boat-building, fishing, carpentry, cultivation, and manufactures for the use of the 
colony. 

5. At the end of 7 years the capital and profits to be divided among the 
stockholders in proportion to their respective shares in the investment. 

6. Stockholders investing at a later period to have shares in the division 
proportioned to the duration of their ijiterest. 

7. Colonists to be allowed one share for each domestic dependant accompa- 
nying them (wife, child or servant) more than 16 yrs. of age ; two shares for every 
such person, if supplied at their expense ; and half a share for every dependant 
between 10 yrs. and 16 yrs. 

8. Each child going under 10 jts., to have at the division 50 acres of unma- 
nured land. 

9. To the estates of persons dying before the expiration of the 7 years, allow- 
ances to be made at -the division proportioned to the length of their lives in the 
colony. 



25 



10. Till the division all colonists to be provided with food, clotliing, and 
other necessaries, from the common stock. 

Two stipulations supposed by the colonists to have been settled, to the effect 
that they should have two days in each week for their private use, and that at the 
division, they should be proprietors of their houses and of the cultivated land 
appertaining thereto, were ultimately disallowed by the Merchant Adventurers 
[/. e., the London merchants who aided them to the money they required for the 
expedition] to the great disappointment and discontent of the other party. 
Cushman, who was much blamed for his facility in yielding these points, insisted 
that, if he had acted differently, the whole undertaking would have fallen to the 
ground. — Condensed from Palfrey's Hist. New Eng., i : 153. 



The Final Decision. 

" Our agents returning, wee further sought the Lord by a publique and solemn 
Fast, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon wee came to this resolution, that 
it was best for one part of the Church to goe at first, and the other to stay, viz. 
the youngest and strongest part to goe. Secondly, they that went should freely 
oifer themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the Pastor to goe with them ; 
if not, the Elder onely. Fourthly, if the Lord should frowne upon our proceed- 
ings, then those that went to returne, and the Brethren that remained still there, 
to assist and bee helpfull to them, but if God should bee pleased to favour them 
that went, then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and 
ancient, and willing to come ; these things being agreed, the major part stayed, 
and the Pastor with them for the present, but all intended (except a very few, 
who had rather wee would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, Avith 
Mr. Brewster their Elder, resolved to enter upon this great work (but take notice 
the difference of number was not great)." — Ed. Winslow, ut sup., 90. 



The Start. 



" At length, after much travell and these debats, all things were got ready and 
provided. A smale ship [the Speedwell, of 60 tons] was bought & fitted in Holand, 
which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in ye cuntrie 
and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for ye good & benefite 
of ye colonic when they cam ther. Another was hired at London, [the Mayflower] 
of burden about 9. score ; [i.e. about iSo tons] and all other things gott in readines. 
So being ready to departe, they hed a day of soUeme humiliation, their pastor [John 
Robinson] taking his texte from Ezra viii : 21. And ther at ye river, by Ahava, I 
proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seeke of him a 
right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substaftce. Upon which he 
spente a good parte of ye day very profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. 
The rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to y^ Lord with great 
fervencie, mi.xed with abundance of tears. And ye time being come that they 
must departe, they were acompanied with most of their brethren out of ye citie, 
unto a town sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven, wher the ship lay ready to 
receive them. So they lefte yt goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther 
resting place near 12. years ; but they knew they were pilgrimes [whence the 



26 



genesis of this name as applied to them] & looked not much on those things, but 
lift up their eyes to y^ heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. 
When they came to ye place they found ye ship and all things ready ; and shuch 
of their freinds as could not come with them followed after them, and sundrie 
also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them. 
That night was spent with litle sleepe by ye most, but with freindly entertain- 
mente & christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian love. 
The next day, the wind being faire, they went aborde, and their freinds with 
them, where truly dolfull was ye sight of that sade and mournfull parting ; to see 
what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush 
from every eye, & pithy speeches peirst each harte ; that sundry of ye Dutch 
strangers yt stood on ye key as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet 
comfortable & sweete it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear & 
unfained love. But ye tide (which stays for no man) caling them away yt were 
thus loath to departe, their Reverd pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they 
all with him) with watrie cheeks comended thera with most fervente praiers to 
the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, 
they tooke their leaves one of an other ; which proved to be ye last leave to 
many of them." — Bradford, ut sup., 58. 

" And when the Ship was ready to carry us away, the Brethren that stayed 
having againe solemnly sought the Lord with us, and for us, and we further 
engaging our selves mutually as before ; they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted 
us that were to goe at our Pastors house being large [being, in fact, their usual 
place of Sabbath assembling] where wee refreshed our selves after our teares, 
with singing of Psalmes, making joyfull melody in our hearts, as well as with the 
voice, there being many of the Congregation very expert in Musick ; and indeed 
it was the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard. After this they accom- 
panied us to Delphs Haven, where wee were to imbarque, and there feasted us 
againe, and after prayer performed by our Pastor, where a flood of teares was 
poured out, they accompanied us to the Ship, but were not able to speake one to 
another for the abundance of sorrow to part : but wee onely going aboard (the 
Ship lying to the Key and ready to set sayle, the winde being faire), wee gave 
them a volley of small shot, and three peeces of Ordinance, and so lifting up our 
hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we de- 
parted, and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee 
carryed us thorow. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I heare, at 
Delphs Plaven preserve the memory of it to this day, [1646] and will inform 
them." — Ed. Winslow, itt sup., 90. 



The Spirit in which They Started. 

" At their parting M^ Robinson wrote a letter to ye whole company. . . . 
as also a breefe leter writ at ye same time to M'' Carver, in which ye tender love 
& godly care of a true pastor appears." 

In this letter Robinson laments that he is constrained for a while to be bodily 
absent from them, "by strong necessitie held backe for ye present," and exhorts 
them to special repentance in view of the circumstances of difficulty and danger 
surrounding them, and to provide carefully for peace with all men, and neither to 
give nor take offence. He suggests that, as many of them are strangers to each 



27 



other, and to each other's infirmities, there will be special need of watchfulness in 
the matter of both giving and taking offence ; and that their " intended course of 
ciuill communitie wil minister continuall occasion of offence and will be as fuell 
for that fire," except they diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. This 
allusion he further explains, as follows : " Whereas you are to become a body 
politik, vsing amongst your selues ciuill gouenment, and are not furnished with 
any persons of speciall eminencie ^boue the rest, to be chosen by you into office 
of gouernment ; Let your wisedome and godlinesse appeare, not onely in chusing 
such persons as do entirely loue, and will diligently promote the common good, 
but also in yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull 
administrations ; not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but 
Gods ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto the foolish multitude, who 
more honour the gay coate, then either the vertuous mind of the man, or glorious 
ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of the 
Lords power and %uthoritie which the Magistrate beareth, is honorable, in how 
meane persons soeuer. And this dutie you both may the more willingly, and 
oughte the more conscionably to performe, because you are at least for the 
present to haue onely them for your ordinary gouernours, which your selues shall 
make choise of for that worke." — Mourfs Relation, viii-xi. 

" In the next place, for the wholesome counsell Mr. Robinson gave that part 
of the Church whereof he was Pastor, at their departure from him to begin the 
great worke of Plantation in New England, amongst other wholesome Instruc- 
tions and Exhortations, hee used these expressions, or to the same purpose [this, 
by the way, is the first and only authentic version of this famous address] : We are 
now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he should live 
to see our faces again ; but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he charged" 
us before God and his blessed Angels, to follow him no further than he followed 
Christ. And if God should reveal anything to us by any other instrument of his, 
to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Ministery : 
For he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth 
out of his holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and 
condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in Religion, 
and would goe no further then the instruments of their Reformation : As for 
example, the Lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther 
saw ; for whatever part uf Gods will he had further imparted and revealed to 
Calvin, they will die rather then embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the 
Calvinists, they stick where he left them : A misery much to bee lamented ; For 
though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed 
his whole will to them : And were they now living, saith hee, they would bee as 
ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here also 
he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant (at least that part of it) whereby wee 
promise and covenant with God and one with another, to receive whatsoever light 
or truth shall be made known to us from his written Word : but withall e.xhorted 
us to take heed what we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, 
and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it ; For, saith he. 
It is not possible the Christian %uorld should come so lately out of such thick Anti- 
christian darknessc, and that full perfection of knozulcdge should breake forth at once. 

Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee should use all meanes to 
avoid and shake off the name of Brownist, being a meer nickname and brand to 
make religion odious, and the professors of it to the Christian world ; and to that 



28 

end, said hee, I should be glad if some godly minister would goe over with you 
or come to you, before my comming ; For, said hee, there will be no difference 
between the unconformable [Non-conformist] Ministers and you, when they come 
to the practise of the Ordinances out of the Kingdome : And so advised us by all 
meanes to endeavour to close with the godly party of the Kingdome of England, 
and rather to study union then division ; viz. how neare we might possibly, with- 
out sin close with them, then in the least measure to affect division or separation 
from them." — Winslow's Hypocrisie Unmasked, 97. 



The Voyage. 



" The Speedwell brought her passengers prosperously to Southampton, where 
they found the Mayflower, which vessel had come round from London with 

Cushman and others a week before The vessels put to sea with 

about a hundred and twenty passengers Before they had proceeded 

far on the voyage, the Speedwell proved so leaky that it was thought prudent to 
return, and both vessels put in at Dartmouth. Repairs having been made, they 
sailed a second time. But again, when they were a hundred leagues from land, 
the master of the smaller vessel represented her as incapable of making the 
voyage, and they put back to Plymouth. This was afterwards believed to be a 
pretence of the master, who had been engaged to remain a year with the emi- 
grants, and who had repented of his contract. The next resource was to divide 
the company, and leave a portion behind, while the rest should pursue their 
voyage in the larger ship. This arrangement was presently made." — Palfrey's 
Hist. New Eng., \ : 158. 

" Those that went bak were for the most parte such as were willing so to doe, 
either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived of ye ill success of ye 
vioage, seeing so many croses befale, & the year time so farr spente ; but 
others in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge children, were 
thought least usefull, and most unfite to bear ye brunte of this hard adventure ; 
unto which worke of God, and judgmente of their brethern, they were contented 
to submite. And thus, like Gedions [Gideon's] armie, this small number was 
devided, as if ye Lord by this worke of his providence thought these few to 
many for ye great worke he had to doe." — Bradford, tit sup., 69. 

" Little is recorded of the incidents of the voyage. The first part was favor- 
ably made. As the wanderers approached the American continent, they en- 
countered storms which their overburdened vessel was scarcely able to sustain. 
Their destination was to a point near Hudson's River, yet within the territory of 
the London Company, by which their patent had been granted. This description 
corresponds to no other country than the sea-coast of the State of New Jersey. 
At early dawn of the sixty-fourth day of their voyage, they came in sight of the 
white sand banks of Cape Cod. In pursuance of their original purpose, they 
veered to the south, but, by the middle of the day, they found themselves ' among 
perilous shoals and breakers ' which caused them to retrace their course. An 
opinion afterwards prevailed, on questionable grounds, that they had been pur- 
posely led astray by the master of the vessel, induced by a bribe from the Dutch, 
who were averse to having them near the mouth of the Hudson, which Dutch 
vessels had begun to visit for trade." — Palfrey, tit sup., 162. 



29 



" They put to sea again with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce 
days togeather, which was some incouragemente unto them ; yet according to 
ye usuall maner many were afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite 
hear a spetiall worlce of God's providence. Ther was a proud & very profane 
yonge man, one of ye sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more 
hauty ; lie would allway be contemning ye poore people in their sicknes, & curs- 
ing them dayly with greevous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that he 
hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their jurneys 
end, and to make mery with what they had ; and if he were by any gently 
reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it pleased God before 
they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of 
which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe ye first yt was throwne 
overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne head ; and it was an astonishmente 
to all his fellows, for they noted it to be ye just hand of God upon him. 

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were 
incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, 
with which ye shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works made very 
leakie ; and one of the maine beames in ye midd ships was bowed & craked, 
which put them in some fear that ye shipe could not be able to performe ye vioage. 
So some of ye cheefe of ye company, perceiveing ye mariners to fear ye suffisiencie 
of ye shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entered into serious consullta- 
tion with ye mr & other officers of ye ship, to consider in time of ye danger ; and 
rather to returne then to cast them selves into a desperate & inevitable perill. 
And truly ther was great distraction & differance of opinion amongst ye mariners 
them selves ; faine would they doe what could be done for their wages sake, 
(being now halfe the seas over), and on ye other hand they were loath to hazard 
their lives too desperatly. But in examening of all opinions, the mr & others 
affirmed they knew ye ship to be stronge & firme under water ; and for the 
buckling of ye inaine beame, ther was a great iron scrue ye passengers brought 
out of Holland, which would raise ye beame into his place ; ye which being done, 
the carpenter & mr affirmed that with a post put under it, set firme in ye lower 
deck, & otherways bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for ye decks & 
uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, and though with ye 
workeing of ye ship they would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise 
be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they comited 
them selves to ye will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these 
storms the winds were so feirce, & ye seas so high, as they could not beare a knote 
of saile, but were forced to hull, [to float or drive on the water, like the hull of 
a ship without sails. — Webste?-] for diverce days togither. And in one of 
them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called John 
Rowland) coming upon some occasion above ye grattings [a lattice cover for the 
hatches of a ship. — Webster], was, with a seele [lurch] of ye shipe throwne into 
ye sea ; but it pleased God yt he caught hould of ye tope-saile halliards which 
hunge over board, & rane out at length ; yet he held his hould (though he was 
sundry fadomes under water,) till he was hald up by ye same rope to ye brime of 
ye water, and then with a boat hooke & other means got into ye shipe againe & 
his life saved ; and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years 
after, and became a profitable member both in church & comone wealthe. In all 
this viage ther died but one of ye passengers, which was William Butten, a 
youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near ye coast. But to omite 
other things (that I may be breefe) after longe beating at sea they fell with that 



30 



land which is called Cape Cod ; the which being made, & certainly knowTie to be 
it, they were not a litle joyfull. After some deliberation had amongst them selves 
& with ye mr of ye ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stand for ye south- 
ward (ye wind & weather being faire) to finde some place about Hudsons 
river for their habitation. But after they had sailed yt course aboute halfe yt day, 
they fell among deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr 
intangled ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger ; and ye wind 
shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear up againe for ye Cape, and 
thought them selves hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke 
them, as by Gods Providence they did. And ye next day they gott into ye Cape- 
harbor, wher they ridd in saftie." — Bradford, tit szip., 74. 



The Outlook from Cape Cod Harbor. 

" But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at this 
poore peoples presente condition ; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he 
well considers ye same. Being thus passed ye vast ocean, and a sea of troubles 
before in their preparation (as maybe remembred by yt which wente before) they 
had now no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their 
weather-beaten bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, [no settlement 
of any kind within 500 miles] to seeke for succoure. It is recorded in scripture as 
a mercie to ye apostle & his shipwraked company, yt the barbarians shewed them 
no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette 
with them (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then 
otherwise. And for ye season it was winter, and they that know ye winters of yt 
cuntrie know them to be sharp & violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes 
deangerous to travill to known places, much more to serch an unknown coast. 
Besids, what could they see but a hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts 
and willd men ? and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. 
Neither could they, as it were, goe up to ye tope of Pisgah,to vew from this willder- 
nes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops ; for which way soever they turnd 
their eys (save upward to ye heavens) they could have litle solace or content 
in respecte of any outward objects. For sumer being done, all things stard 
upon them with a wether-beaten face ; and ye whole countrie, full of woods & 
thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw. If they looked behind them, ther 
was ye mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a maine barr & 
goulfe to seperate them from all ye civill parts of ye world. If it be said they 
had a ship to sucour them, it is trew ; but what heard they daly from ye mr & 
company .' but yt with speede they should looke out a place with their shallop, 
wher they would be at some near distance ; for ye season was shuch as he would 
not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher they would 
be, and he might goe without danger ; and that victells consumed apace, but he 
must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & their returne. Yea, it was mut- 
ered by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would turne them & 
their goods ashore & leave them. 

Let it also be considered what weake hopes of supply & succoure they left 
behinde them, yt might bear up their minds in this sade condition and trialls they 
were under ; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, ye affec- 
tions & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them, 



31 



but they had litle power to help them, or them selves ; and how ye case stode 
betweene them &ye marchaiits at their coming away, hath allreadybeen declared. 
What could now sustaine them but ye spirite of God & his grace ? May not & 
ought not the children of these fathers rightly say : Our faithers were English- 
men zuhich came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes ; 
but they cried nnto ye Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie. 
Let them therfore praise ye Lord, because he is good &" his mercies endure for ever, 
etc." — Bradford, ut sup., 78. 



Their Social Compact, and its Relation to Modern Republi- 
canism. 

" The day before we came to harbour, obseruing some not well affected to 
vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of faction, it was' thought good 
there should be an association and agreement, that we should combine together in 
one body, and to submit to such government and governours, as we should by 
common consent agree to make and chose." — Mourfs Relation, 2. 

" I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combination made by them 
before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their govermente in this 
place ; occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous speeches that some of 
the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in ye ship — That when they 
came a shore they would use their owne libertie ; for none had power to comand 
them, the patente they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which 
belonged to an other Government, with which ye Virginia Company had nothing 
to doe. And partly that schuch an acte by them done (this their condition con- 
sidered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure. The 
forme was as followeth. 

In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall 
subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great 
Britaine, Franc, & Ireland, king, defender of ye faith, &c. haveing undertaken for 
ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king 
& countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonic in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, 
doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of 
another, covenant & combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for 
our better ordering & preservvation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid ; and by 
vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lavves, ordinances, 
acts, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most mcete & 
convenient for ye generall good of ye colonic, unto which we promise all due sub- 
mission and obedience. 

In witnes whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap Codd ye 
II. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne Lord, King James, of 
England, Franc, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano Dom. 
1620. [Signed by 41 males, as first declared in Morton's N'ciij England Memorial, 
1669.] — Bradford, ut sup., 89. 

Thrown thus suddenly, by their failure to reach their chartered territory, upon 
their own resources, and warned by symptoms of insubordination on board ship 
on the part of some who had joined them in England who were not of them in 
spirit, of dangers which might increase upon them after they went on shore ; the 
leading spirits of the enterprise seem to have determined at once to test the 
experiment whether that primitive and Divinely revealed yet self-constituted and 
essentially democratic government which they had found to work so well in the 
church, might not work equally well in the state. " Many philosophers have 
since appeared, who have in labored treatises, endeavored to prove the doctrine, 



32 



that the rights of man are unalienable, and nations have bled to defend and en- 
force them ; yet in this dark age, the age of despotism and superstition, when no 
tongue dared to assert, and no pen to write this bold and novel doctrine — which 
was then as much at defiance with common opinion as with actual power (of which 
the monarch was then held to be the sole fountain, and the theory was universal, 
that all popular rights were granted by the crown) — in this remote wilderness, 
amongst a small and unknown band of wandering outcasts, the principle that the 
•will of the 7?iajority of the people shall goz'ern was first conceived, and was first 
practically exemplified. The Pilgrims, from their notions of primitive Christian- 
ity, the force of circumstances, and that pure moral feeling which is the offspring 
of true religion, discovered a truth in the science of government which had been 
concealed for ages. On the bleak shore of a barren wilderness, in the midst of 
desolation, with the blasts of winter howling around them, and surrounded with 
dangers in their most awful and appalling forms, the Pilgrims of Leyden laid the 
foundations of American liberty." — Baylies' Hist. New Plym. Col. i : 29. 

" These were the men who produced a greater revolution in the world than 
Columbus. He in seeking for India discovered America. They, in pursuit of 
religious freedom established civil liberty, and meaning only to found a church, 
gave birth to a nation, and in settling a town commenced an empire." — Ibid, i: 4. 

" This was the birth of popular constitutional liberty. ... In the cabin 
of the Mayflower humanity renewed its rights, and instituted government on the 
basis of ' equal laws ' for ' the general government.' " — Bancroft, Hist. U. S. 
i :3io. 



A Glance at the Sorrows of the New Colony. 

" In these hard & difficulte beginnings they found some discontents & murmur- 
ings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & cariags in other ; but they 
'Arere soone quelled & overcome by ye wisdome, patience & just & equall carrage 
of things by ye Govr and better part, wch clave faithfully togeather in ye maine. 
But that which was most sadd & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time 
halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan : & February, being ye depth of 
winter, and wanting houses & other comforts ; being infected with ye scurvie & 
other diseases, which this long vioage & their inaccomodate condition had brought 
upon them ; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time ; that 
of 100. & odd persons, [there were exactly 102 persons in the Mayflower compa- 
ny] scarce 50. remained. And of these in ye time of most distres, ther was but 
6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no 
pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their oune 
health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, 
washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them ; in a word, did all 
ye homly & necessarie ofiices for them wch dainty & quesie stomaks cannot 
endure to hear named ; and all this willingly and cherfully, without any grudging 
in ye least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare 
example & worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr William Brews- 
ter, ther reverend elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, 
unto whom my selfe, & many others were much beholden in our low & sicke con- 
dition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity 
they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said 



33 



of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vissitation, & others 
yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were 
not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompence 
is with ye Lord." — Bradford, ut sup., 90. 

" By that time ther corne was planted, all their victals were spente, and 
they were only to rest on Gods providence ; at night not many times knowing 
wher to have a bitt of any thing ye next day. And so, as one well observed, had 
need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in 
ye world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie of spirite, 
and that for so long a time as for ye most parte of 2. years. . . . They have- 
ing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were devided into several! 
companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they 
had bought, to take bass & such like fish, by course, every company knowing 
their turne. No sooner was ye boate discharged of what she brought, but ye next 
company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they 
had cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew ther was 
nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente to ye 
rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she stayed longe or got litle, then 
all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out of ye sands. 
And this was their living in ye somer time, till God sente ym beter ; & in winter 
they were helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in ye somer they gott now & 
then a dear ; for one or 2. of ye fitest was apoynted to range ye woods for yt end, 
& what was gott that way was devided amongst them." — Bradford, ut sup., 136. 

When the A>me arrived, " the best dish they [the colonists] could presente 
their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or anything els 
but a cupp of fair spring water." — Ibid, 146. 

Their merchant friends in London " went back on them," and their " loving 
freind " Thomas Weston, failed them, and each new company arriving but became 
largely new pensioners upon them — coming so ill supplied. As Bradford says : 
" As they were now fayled of suply by him [Weston] and others in their greatest 
neede and wants, which was caused by him and ye rest, who put so great a 
company of men upon them, as ye former company were, without any food, and 
came at shuch a time as they must live almost a whole year before any could be 
raised, excepte they had sente some ; so upon yt pointe they never had any supply 
of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise), for all ye 
company sent at any time was allways too short for those people yt came with 
it." — Ibid, 116. 

" But these troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte then their adversaries 
hoped for. Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by 
unlickly means." — Ibid, 189. 

" Brewster, the ruling Elder, lived for many months together without bread, 
and frequently on fish alone. With nothing but oysters and clams before him, 
he, with his family, would give thanks that they could 'suck of the abundance of 
the seas, and of the treasures hid in the sands.' Whenever a deer was taken, it 
was divided amongst the whole company. It is said that they were once reduced 
to a pint of corn, which being equally divided, gave to each a proportion of five 
kernels, which was parched and eaten."— Baylies's Hist. New Plym., i : 121. 



34 



Reason why They Succeeded where Others had Failed. 

" No trading adventurers were so capable and resolute as to be able to plant 

that soil A religious impulse accomplished what commercial 

enterprise, commanding money and court favor, had attempted without success. 
Civilized New England is the child of English Puritanism." — VaXixcy, ut sztp., 
i : loi. 

" Several attempts were made to plant New England from worldly motives, 
but they all proved abortive." — Backus's Hist. New Efig., i : 33. 

" And now compare this company with that of Sagadahock [Popham's colony, 
which landed on the Kennebec, 8 Aug., 1607.] That company, who came upon 
worldly designs, had an hundred men ; this religious society consisted of but one 
hundred and one souls, men, women and children ; the one arrived at the place 
designed for settlement in August, the other not till winter had set in. The 
worldly company only buried their President [Popham], and all returned the next 
year to their native country again ; whereas this religious people, in about five 
months' time, buried their Governor and full half their number, and yet with for- 
titude and patience they kept their station ; yea, though they were afterwards 
deserted and abused by some who had engaged to help them. We cannot now 
form an idea of what those pious planters endured to prepare the way for what we 
at this day enjoy." — Ibid i : 40. 

" Whether Britain would have had any colonies in America at this day, if 
religion had not been the grand inducement, is doubtful." — Hutchinson's A'/'j/. 
Mass., i : 3. 

"The question may very naturally be asked, how it happened that a popula- 
tion of adventurers without military force, and with little wealth, which is unques- 
tionably a formidable element of power, and by which men often make their will 
acceptable ; and with an equality as general as was possible in any country which 
had a government, could without the sanction of a royal charter, and without the 
interference of the metropolis, which in infant colonies is generally imperative and 
absolute, sustain themselves so long without tumults and commotions, and do 
everything essential to the well-being of the community ? This question finds its 
solution in the religious character of the people. Worldly objects were with them 
secondary, and that curse of all small and independent communities, political 
ambition, found no place amongst them. The higher ofiices were not sought, but 
the services of such as were fit to sustain them were demanded as the right of the 
people, and they were accepted not for the sake of distinction, emolument or 
pleasure, but from a sense of duty ; fearful of the loss of reputation, men under- 
went the severe and painful duties which such offices required." — Baylies's Hist. 
New Plym., iv : 146. 



Recognition of their Sufferings and Heroism at the Time. 

" If ye land afford you bread, and ye sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while 
contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you 
are neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it, take ye worst 
to your selves, with content, & leave ye best to your neighbors, with cherfullnes. 
Let it not be greevous unto you yt you have been instruments to brake ye ise for 
others who come after with less dificulty, the honour shall be yours to ye worlds 



35 

end. We bear you always in «ur brests, and our harty affection is towards you 
all, as are ye harts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtles 
pray for your saftie as their owne, as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that 
ye same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from seas, foes, and 
famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable 
amongst men, and glorious in blise at ye last day." — Letter from some of the 
English adventurers, 1623, copied by Bradford, ut sup., 144. 

The following extract from a letter of Gov. Bradford to his wife's sister, Mary 
Carpenter, still in England, of date grjAug. 1646, will show the feeling on this sub- 
ject which prevailed, when the Colony had more than attained its majority : 

" We understand, by your letter, that God hath taken to himself our aged 
mother, out of the troubles of this tumultuous world, and that you are in a soli- 
tary condition, as we easily apprehend. We thought good, therefore, to write 
these few lines unto you, that if you think good to come over to us, you shall be 
wellcome, and we shall be as helpfull unto you as we may, though we are growne 
old, and the countrie here more unsettled, than ever, by reason of the great 
changes that have been in these late times, and what will further be, the Lord 
only knows, which makes many thinke of removing their habitations, and sundrie 
of our ministers (hearing of the peace and liberty now in England and Ireland) 
begin to leave us, and it is feared many more will follow. We do not write these 
things to discourage you, (for we shall be glad to see you, if God so dispose) but 
if you find not all things here according to your expectation, when God shall 
bring you hither, that you may not thinke we dealt not plainly with you." 



The Superior Tolerance of the Plymouth Men. 

" The spirit of Robinson appeared to watch over his feeble flock on the coast 
of New England, long after his body was moldering beneath the Cathedral 
church at Leyden. Again, their twelve years' residence in Holland had brought 
the Pilgrims in contact with other sects of Christians, and given them a more 
catholic spirit than pertained to those whose stay in England had been embittered 
by the strife of contending factions in the Established Church. Whether these 
reasons fully account for the superior liberality of the Plymouth Colonists, or not, 
the records show, that as they were distinct from the Puritans in England, and 
had been long separated from them in Holland, so did they preserve that dis- 
tinction in some measure in America. The Pilgrims of Plymouth were more 
liberal in feeling, and more tolerant in practice, than the Puritans of Massachu- 
setts Bay. The simple forms of democratic government [/.<?., in its absolute form, 
precisely as practiced in the Congregational churches] were maintained in 
Plymouth for eighteen years, until the growth of the Colony compelled the in- 
troduction of the representative system." — Arnold's Hist. Rhode Island, i : 13. 

" The Plymouth Colony was more liberal in its feeling than that of the Bay, 
permitting a greater latitude of individual opinion." — Ibid, 166. 

" I have shown that the Pilgrim Fathers, and their precursors, in England, 
Holland, and at Plymouth, were Separatists, and had no connection with the 
Puritans, who subsequently settled in New England, at Salem and Boston, in 
Massachusetts ; that the principles and practices of the two parties, confounded 
by some careless writers, differed essentially ; the Separatists ever contending 



36 



for freedom of conscience and separation from the powers of the State, while 
the Puritans remained in connection and communion with the State Church, and 
held, both in England and New England, that the State should be authoritative 
in matters of religion. Hence the anti-christian and intolerant acts of the Puri- 
tan colony [Mass.] to the Separatists — Ralph Smyth, Roger Williams, Isaac 
Robinson, John Cudworth and Timothy Hatherley. Hence, also, on the arrival 
of the Friends, the cruel laws for whipping, banishing and executing, for matters 
of religious faith and practice. I have shown that the Separatist colony of 
Plymouth had no share in this intolerant conduct during the lives of the Pilgrim 
Fathers, and, moreover, that they acted kindly, and received into their church 
both Smyth and Roger Williams when forbidden to worship freely elsewhere ; 
and that after the death of the Pilgrim Fathers, some of their sons and successors, 
acting up to their principles, shielded the Friends, and refused to be parties to 
the persecuting laws then enacted. ...... 

It may interest you to know that two eminent historians recently deceased 
virtually admitted the truth of that which I have thus affirmed. I refer to Lord 
Macaulay and Earl Stanhope (Lord Mahon), who as Commissioners for decorat- 
ing, historically, the House of Lords, were appealed to respecting an erroneous 
inscription placed under Mr. Cope's painting of "The Pilgrim Fathers Landing 
in New England." The inscription stood : " Landing of a Puritan Family in 
New England," but after listening to the proofs submitted, and hearing Mr. Cope, 
who stated that he had taken his ideas from Bradford's Journal, the Commis- 
sioners ordered the terms " Puritan Family " to be removed, as unjust to 
the memory of the parties concerned, and substituted the words : ' Pilgrim 
Fathers.'" — Mr. Chamberlain Benj. Scott's The Pilgrim Fathers Neither Puri- 
tans Nor Persecutors, 36. 

" Here we may observe the great difference between our Plymouth fathers, and 
the Massachusetts. With all these stimulations to severity, the Court of Plymouth 
only charged them [the Seekonk Baptists], to desist from their practice, which 
others had taken such offence at, and one of them yielding thereto, the others 
were not so much as bound to their good behaviour, nor any other sureties 
required." — Backus's Hist. Neu< Eng., i : 214. 

" Rigidness is a word that both Episcopalians and Presbyterians have often 
cast upon our Plymouth fathers. Yet the Massachusetts now discovered so much 
more of that temper than they, that Mr. Dunstar, in October 24, 1654, resigned 
his office among them and removed and spent his remaining days at Scituate in 
Plymouth Colony." — Ibid, 284. 

" The Plymouth colonists of humbler rank and less e.xcited from having been 
so long removed from the scene of controversy in England, were more tolerant 
and mild, and although much swayed by the influence of their domineering 
neighbors, to whom, on all great occasions, they seemed to defer, were never led 
into those horrible excesses of fanaticism which disgrace the early annals of 
Massachusetts." — Baylies's Hist. New Plym., i :203. 

" More fortunate than Massachusetts, they had been undisturbed with sectarian 
disputes, and wiser, they exercised a liberal toleration, which increased their 
numbers, while the sterner temper of their neighbors could only be soothed by 
the banishment of their antagonists." — Ibid, i : 321. 

" Sectarians, it is true, disturbed the tranquility of the inhabitants of this 
little Commonwealth j but persecution with them assumed its mildest form, and 



37 

their annals have escaped that deep and indelible stain of blood, which pollutes 
the pages of the early history of their sterner and more intolerant brethren of 
Massachusetts." — Ibid, i : 5. 

" Here may be observed to the honor of this Colony, that though the provo- 
cations of the Quakers were equally great here as elsewhere, yet they never made 
any sanguinary or capital laws against that sect, as some of the Colonies did." — 
Appendix to I\lr. Robhins' Sermon at Plymouth, (A. D. 1760), p. 15. 



Relation of the Plymouth Colony to this Republic. 

" The Pilgrims brought with them to the new World a form of Christianity, 
which I cannot better describe than by styling it a democratic and republican 
religion. This contributed powerfully to the establishment of a republic and a 
democracy in public affairs." — De Tocqueville, i : 384. 

" The system of town governments does not prevail in England. Nothing 
analogous to it is known in the Southern States, and although the system of inter- 
nal government in the Middle States bears a partial resemblance to that of New 
England, it is in many respects dissimilar. Those who are strangers to our 
customs are surprised to find the whole of New England divided into a vast 
number of little democratic republics, which have full power to do all those 
things which most essentially concern the comforts, happiness, and morals of the 

people Under the government of these little republics, 

society is trained in habits of order, and the whole people acquire a practical 
knowledge of legislation within their own sphere. To this mode of government 
may be attributed that sober and reflecting character, almost peculiar to the 
people of New England, and their general knowledge of politics and legislation. 
. . . . Now, to the Independent churches we may trace the original notion 
of independent communities, which afterwards assumed the name of towns, and 
which after having passed through an ecclesiastical state, and after the pro- 
prietaries became extinct from the special appropriation of all the lands within 
the bounds of their charter, assumed the shape of political corporations with 
municipal, and in fact legislative powers within their own limits." — Baylies's 
Hist. New Plym., i : 240. 

" The purely democratic form of government in the church at Leyden, already 
entrenched in the warm affections of the Pilgrims, led to the adoption of a cor- 
responding form of civil government on board the Mayflower for the Colony at 
Plymouth. It has been said, and it is true, that it was a Congregational church- 
meeting that first suggested the idea of a New England town-meeting ; and a 
New England town-meeting embodies all the germinal principles of our State 
and national government." — Wellman's Ch. Pol. of the Pilgrims, 68. 

" The late Dr. Fishback, of Lexington, Ky., a few years since, made the 
following statement, which he received from the late Rev. Andrew Tribble, who 
died at the age of about 93 years. Mr. Tribble was pastor of a small Baptist 
church near Mr. Jefferson's residence, in the State of Virginia, eight or ten years 
before the .American Revolution. Mr. Jefferson attended the meetings of the 
church for several months in succession, and after one of them, asked the worthy 
pastor to go home and dine with him, with which request he complied. Mr. 
Tribble asked Mr. Jefferson how he was pleased with their [purely democratic, 
or Congregational] church government ? Mr. Jefferson replied, that its pro- 



38 



priety had struck him with great force, and had greatly interested him ; adding 
that he considered it the only form of pure democracy which then existed in the 
world, and had conchtded that it would be the best plan of government for the 
American Colonies." — Belcher's Relig. Denominations in U. S., 184- 

" Congregationalism was, historically, the mother of our civil liberties. It 
was so first at Plymouth, and in the Massachusetts Colony. It was so, later, in 
the days of the Revolution. And it would seem a natural inference that the same 
polity which gave us a Republic, would be most favorable, in all its workings, to 
the permanent welfare of the State." — De.xter's Congregationalism, etc., 290. 

" The Plymouth Colony has furnished her full proportion of talent, genius, 
learuiu;^ and v.'nterprise in almost every department of life; and, in other lands, the 

merits of the posterity of the Pilgrims have been acknowledged 

In one respect they present a remarkable exception to the rest of America. They 
are the purest English race in the world ; there is scarcely any intermixture even 
with the Scotch or Irish, and none with the aboriginals. Almost all the present 

population are descended from the original English settlers The 

fishermen and navigators of Maine, the children of Plymouth, still continue the 
industrious and bold pursuits of their forefathers. In that fine country, beginning 
at Utica (N. Y.) and stretching to Lake Erie, this race may be found on every hill 
and in every valley ; on the rivers and on the lakes. . . • . . And in all 
the Southern and South-western States, the natives of the ' Old Colony,' like the 
Armenians of Asia, may be found in every place where commerce and traffic offer 
any lure to enterprise ; and in the heart of the gigantic [West], like their ances- 
tors, they have commenced the cultivation of the wilderness, like them, sur- 
rounded with savage beasts and savage men, and like them, patient in suffering, 
despising danger, and animated with hope." — Baylies's Hist. A\iv Plym., iv : 148. 



The May-flower on New England's coast has furled her tattered sail, 
And through her chafed and moaning shrouds December's breezes wail; 
Yet on that icy declc, behold a meek but dauntless band. 
Who, for the right to worship God, have left their native land; 
And to this dreary wilderness this glorious boon they bring — 
A Church without a Bishop, and a State without a King ! 

Those daring men, those gentle wives, say, wherefore do they come? 
Why rend they all the tender ties of kindred and of home? 
'Tis Heaven assigns their noble work, man's spirit to unbind ; 
They come not for themselves alone — ihey come for all mankind; 
And to the empire of the West this glorious boon they bring — 
A Church without a Bishop, and a State without a King 1 

Then Prince and Prelate, hope no more to bend them to your sway — 
Devotion's fire inflames their breasts, while freedom points their way; 
And in their brave heart's estimate, 't were better not to be, 
Than quail beneath a despot, where the soul cannot be free ; 
And therefore o'er a wintry wave, those exiles come to bring 

A Church without a Bishop, and a State without a King ! 

And still their spirit, in their sons, with freedom walks abroad ; 
The Bible is our only creed, our only sovereign, God ! 
The hand is raised, the word is spoke, the joyful pledge is given — 
And boldly on our banner floats, in the free air of Heaven, 
The motto of our sainted sires; and loud we'll make it ring — 

A Church without a Bishop, and a State without a King ! 

—Rev. Cliarles Hall. D.D. 



39 



O little fleet! that on thy quest divine 

Sailedst from Palos one bright autumn mom. 

Say, has old Ocean's bosom ever borne 

A freight of Faith and Hope, to match with thine? 

Say, too, has Heaven's high favor given again 
Such consummation of desire, as shone 
About Columbus, when he rested on 
The new-found world, and married it to Spain ? 

Answer — Thou refuge of the Freeman's need, 
Thou for whose destinies no Kings looked out, 
Nor Sages to resolve some mighty doubt. 
Thou simple Mayflower of the salt-sea mead 1 

When Thou wert wafted to that distant shore, — 
Gay flowers, bright birds, rich odors, met thee not, 
Stem nature hailed thee to a sterner lot, — 
God gave free earth and air, and gave no more. 

Thus to men cast in that heroic mold 
Came Empire, such as Spaniard never knew — 
Such Empire, as beseems the just and true ; 
And, at the last, almost unsought, came Gold. 

But He, who rules both calm and stormy days, 
Can guard that people's heart, that nation's health 
Safe on the perilous hights of power and wealth. 
As in the straitness of the ancient ways. 

— Richard Monckton Milnes^ (Lord Houghton.) 



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